On the eve of the December 21 election, President Kumaratunga appeared on television with bandages around her injured eye, a poignant reminder of the harrowing assassination attempt just days prior. Her emotional breakdown during the broadcast had a profound impact on the electorate, particularly among women. The sight of their leader in distress resonated deeply with voters, evoking memories of past political tragedies.
BBC interviews CBK in
December, 1999
Last week, we delved into the ‘Proclamation and Preliminary Planning’ surrounding the fourth Presidential Election held on December 21, 1999. Nominations were accepted on November 16, with Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe nominated by the governing People’s Alliance (PA) and the United National Party respectively. Additionally, Nandana Gunathilake contested from the JVP, along with a handful of other candidates with less significant prospects.
At the time the Presidential Election was held, the Northern war was at its peak, with incumbent President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga advocating for the continuation of military action against V Prabhakaran. Exploiting her Presidential powers, Kumaratunga’s Secretariat embarked on a campaign aimed at persuading professionals to vote for the incumbent President. Copies of a letter signed by President Kumaratunga were distributed via mail in envelopes bearing the seal of the Presidential Secretary. The letter expressed appreciation for the contributions made by professionals and their respective bodies toward the nation’s long-term prosperity. It also emphasised shared concerns regarding peace and the need to combat tyranny in the future.
Allegiance shift
The minority communities, especially the Tamils who had overwhelmingly supported Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in the 1994 election, were now shifting their allegiance to Ranil Wickremesinghe as a form of protest against the People’s Alliance government, which had made lofty promises but delivered little for them.
P. Chandrasekaran, Leader of the Upcountry People’s Front, made a significant defection from the government to join the United National Party. Chandrasekaran highlighted the shared interests between minorities and the UNP, citing written assurances from Wickremesinghe and the party to address their concerns once elected. He emphasised their representation of the estate population and called for the release of upcountry youth in custody and the recognition of Tamil as the official language in the estate sector. Chandrasekaran’s departure underscored growing disillusionment with CBK’s administration. Meanwhile, in Colombo, many Tamils voiced dissatisfaction with the government due to checkpoint harassment. Minister Arumugam Thondaman of the CWC raised concerns with CBK about their exclusion from the anti-harassment committee, leading to the inclusion of MP Yogarajah in the discussions.
CBK relied on M. H. M. Ashraff, leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, to garner support from the Muslim community. In the East, the SLMC campaigned for Kumaratunga, while SLMC parliamentarians in Colombo also worked on her behalf. The SLMC actively supported CBK on the condition that the election be conducted freely and fairly. Despite Ashraff’s earlier optimism about CBK’s chances of being re-elected, he acknowledged that the prevailing political climate, marked by a high cost of living and poor government performance since 1994, was not conducive to her securing a clear majority.
Instances of election misconduct have unfortunately become all too common in Sri Lankan politics. Both the UNP and the SLFP have faced accusations of rigging and unprofessional conduct in the past. The Wayamba polls, held a few months prior, were marred by rigging, impersonation, and other malpractices reminiscent of the 1982 Referendum.On December 18th, the Centre for Monitoring Election Violence [CMVE] reported over 450 cases of violence during the election period, with 246 classified as ‘serious incidents’ and five fatalities. Among the casualties were two individuals from Bibile, where supporters of the People’s Alliance had opened fire at a United National Party rally. Minister Mangala Samaraweera expressed regret over the incident and confirmed that five individuals had been arrested in connection with the violence.
Official resources
Concerns arose regarding the use of government resources during the election campaign, particularly regarding the use of Air Force helicopters. It was reported that both the government and the UNP were spending Rs. 120,000 per hour for helicopter rides. Questions were raised regarding whether President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was utilising Air Force helicopters in her official capacity or as a Presidential candidate. Wimal Weerawansa, spokesperson for the JVP, accused the President of exploiting her position for personal gain, sparking further debate and scrutiny.
CBK’s brother, Anura Bandaranaike who defected to UNP issued a stern warning in response to the destruction of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s cut-out at Araliya Uyana, Horogolla, Attanagalle. He declared that he would personally destroy the cut-outs of his sister, the PA’s presidential candidate, if any more of Ranil’s cut-outs were damaged. Taking action on his words, Anura erected a new and imposing cut-out of his friend Ranil Wickremesinghe, adorned with powerful illumination, positioned prominently in front of Walauwwa gardens facing the Colombo-Kandy road.
Despite the People’s Alliance’s claims of superior preparation compared to the opposition, it seemed that the UNP’s grassroots campaign had been more effective. The military setbacks in Wanni proved to be a blessing in disguise for the UNP, which had been advocating for unconditional talks with Prabhakaran.
Three days before the Presidential Election, chaos erupted at the final rally held at the Town Hall grounds when President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga narrowly escaped a Tamil Tiger assassination attempt. It was around 9:20 pm, and as President Kumaratunga was leaving the rally, she was approached by a BBC correspondent seeking an interview. As she turned to respond, a suspected female LTTE suicide bomber mounted a railing nearby and detonated herself, resulting in a devastating explosion that claimed the lives of 26 individuals, including the Colombo Police Chief Senior Deputy Inspector General T.N. de Silva.
Assassination attempt
Nearly 100 others were seriously injured in the blast, and President Kumaratunga herself suffered the loss of her right eye in the assassination attempt.Prior to this horrific incident, another tragedy struck at a UNP rally in Ja-Ela on the same evening around 8:45 pm, just moments before the attack on President Kumaratunga. A grenade attack at the rally resulted in the deaths of eight individuals, among them former Army Chief of Staff Major-General [retd.] Lucky Algama. Three Ministers, including Justice Minister G. L. Peiris, Kingsley Wickramaratne, and Alavi Moulana, who were accompanying President Kumaratunga, also sustained injuries in the attack. Professor Peiris, seen lying on the ground, was swiftly transported to the hospital by his security officers, where he underwent surgery to address injuries to his arm. The government moved promptly to declare curfew in Colombo and Gampaha districts.
Condoling with the families of the dead and wishing President Kumaratunga and the injured a speedy recovery was UNP candidate Ranil Wickremesinghe. At UNP’s Ja-Ela rally, party Chairman Karu Jayasuriya and Anura Bandaranaike had just spoken and left for the party’s main rally at Colombo Central, which was called off early following the two bomb attacks.
Second term
Many senior voters were reminded of Sirimavo Bandaranaike, who, four decades earlier, appeared on stage in tears following the assassination of her husband. Sirimavo’s emotional plea for votes for the SLFP during the March 1960 Parliamentary elections left an indelible mark on the collective consciousness. The influence of emotions on electoral decisions is profound. Voters are often moved by their emotions, traditions, and party affiliations rather than by logic or reason. President Kumaratunga’s tearful television appearance resonated with voters’ emotions, shaping their perceptions and choices on election day. Learning to manage our emotions is essential; if left unchecked, they can govern our actions. Understanding how our emotional reactions can change our outlook is crucial.
In the eighth Presidential Election held on December 21st, electoral participation reached 73.31%. Despite incumbent President Kumaratunga narrowly escaping death but losing her eye in a terrorist attack, she was re-elected for a second term despite her underwhelming performance. She garnered 4,312,157 votes, representing 51.12% of the total votes cast. As a result, Ranil Wickremasinghe missed his chance to become President, receiving only 3,602,748 votes (42.71%). This outcome was largely influenced by an emotionally driven electorate voting for a candidate victimised by the ruthless LTTE.
As conscientious voters, if we had mastered the art of controlling our emotions and prioritising our civic duties, we could have addressed Kumaratunga’s lackluster performance and the stagnant economy 25 years ago—a missed opportunity.
