With just three weeks to go for the Budget, there have been renewed attempts to reconcile the two major factions of the United Peoples’ Freedom Alliance (UPFA), despite major differences of opinion surfacing during initial consultations.
That President Maithripala Sirisena and his predecessor Mahinda Rajapaksa held discussions on this matter is now in the public domain. It is also known that the Sri Lanka Progressive Party (SLPP) faction headed by Rajapaksa and aided by his brother Basil Rajapaksa negotiated from a position of strength at these talks.
This was possible because of their resounding victory at the local government elections in February this year which pushed the mainstream Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) into a distant third place. The SLPP is insisting that the mainstream SLFP cast the first stone- by pulling out of the National Unity government with the United National Party (UNP).
That would be a drastic step for President Sirisena and would be against the very mandate he received at the 2015 January presidential election. There is also no guarantee, at least at present, that the SLPP is willing to endorse President Sirisena for the next presidential poll. Hence the reluctance by the President to move in the direction of severing all links with the UNP.
Next presidential candidate
Meanwhile, the SLPP is proceeding with its own plans. Recently it was announced that the party’s leadership would be passed on to Mahinda Rajapaksa, if it was so required. Rajapaksa has also been given sweeping authority, both regarding negotiating with the mainstream SLFP and also in deciding the SLPP’s next presidential candidate, if these were to become necessary.
In such a context, The SLPP is viewing its negotiations with the President and the mainstream SLFP effectively as ‘Plan B’. Their first option, of which they are confident of, is contesting presidential and general elections on their own steam.
It was against such a backdrop that President Sirisena was called upon to make a nomination for the position of Chief Justice last week following the retirement of former Chief Justice Priyasath Dep. For various reasons, the nomination of a Chief Justice had become an issue of political significance.
One of outgoing Chief Justice Dep’s final tasks was to affirm the death sentence handed down to Duminda Silva, a former parliamentarian known for his loyalty to Rajapaksa. Silva was convicted of the murder of Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra, father of UNP parliamentarian Hirunika Premachandra.
President Sirisena nominated Supreme Court Justice Nalin Perera for Chief Justice and this was approved unanimously by the Constitutional Council which itself had been freshly reconstituted. Chief Justice Perera was not initially a frontrunner for the position where speculation centred between Attorney General Jayantha Jayasuriya and Supreme Court Justice Eva Wanasundera.
Chief Justice Perera’s appointment has been hailed as an achievement for career judicial officers as he is the first career judicial officer to be elevated to the highest position in the judiciary after thirty years, a similar appointment being made previously in 1988 when Chief Justice Parinda Ranasinghe assumed office. In terms of seniority however, Chief Justice Perera was the fifth senior most judge in the Supreme Court.
With this appointment, President Sirisena has once again demonstrated that, despite the many political pressures that are brought upon him, he is able to make key decisions disregarding such influences. That the Constitutional Council unanimously backed his decision must be a source of strength to the President. However, it has been noted that the President’s decision may only buy him a few months’ time as Chief Justice Perera will also reach retirement age next year. The President will then be called upon to nominate fresh choices for the post of Chief Justice all over again.
Another controversial appointment that President Sirisena has had to deal with is that of Inspector General of Police (IGP) Pujith Jayasundera. Jayasundera’s position as head of the country’s law enforcement agency has been under the spotlight after a Deputy Inspector General was implicated in an alleged plot to assassinate President Sirisena and former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.
IGP’s resignation
Opposition political parties have accused Jayasundera of acting in favour of the UNP. Others have said that his actions, in the aftermath of revelations about the alleged assassination plot, have made his position as IGP untenable. The issue at stake was that President Sirisena could not sack him without a vote in Parliament- a vote that he could not be confident of winning.
Although he was previously resisting calls for his resignation Jayasundera this week hinted that he may be considering this option. Posts in social media that targeted his elderly mother appear to have affected him greatly. Questioned by journalists, the IGP said that it would be better for him to resign if it were the wish of everyone that he does so.
“I think I have done enough. I have been working for the police department for thirty three years. I have not taken even a pittance from anyone. I earned only the goodwill of people and my self-respect. You will probably not believe me when I tell you I do not even own a house. I have to get one on rent so that my family has a place to stay,” Jayasundera said.
The IGP said that neither President Sirisena nor Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had asked him to resign but that he formed the impression that they would prefer him to quit. “If they do not have confidence in me it is of no use me staying on any longer,” Jayasundera said.
In response to these comments, Law and Order Deputy Minister Nalin Bandara has stated that the IGP had not formally indicated any intention of resigning. “He is free to resign if he wishes to do so. We have not asked him to resign or to act in a particular manner,” Deputy Minister Jayamaha said. At the time of writing, IGP Jayasundera continues in his post.
As the government grapples with these issues and President Sirisena contemplates the best political course for himself and the SLFP, it is clear that the SLPP has its own political agenda and is pursuing it with enthusiasm. Similarly, the UNP also realises that come 2020, it will be on its own and that it should not expect support from the mainstream SLFP, the party it is cohabiting with now in the government.
The main obstacle the UNP is faced with is the economic crisis. While the party maybe justified to some extent in claiming that it is due, at least in part, to the massive debts undertaken by the previous Rajapaksa government, the masses will perceive that as a lame excuse. When the next elections are held, the UNP would have been in government for five years and that is ample time to rectify any errors by its predecessors. This, the UNP has failed to do convincingly so far.
Much then will depend on whether the SLPP and SLFP reconcile. If they do so, the UNP will face a tougher challenge at the next national elections. However, even as the dialogue between the hierarchies of the two parties continues, there are many political and personal obstacles to overcome before the two parties can work together.
It is the outcome of this proposed political marriage that political observers are eagerly awaiting in the coming weeks. The vote on the Budget will indicate which way this potential union is heading.
Add new comment