I will not move a finger to deal with the strike, unless independence is promised – DS Senanayake
The Government Clerical Services Union (GCSU) in 1947 was a powerful white-collar Trade Union. Since the 1920s, it had struggled with colonial rulers and local politicians in order to protect clerical workers’ rights.
They were not affiliated with any political party but most of the GCSU members were inclined towards ideologies of the two leftist parties of LSSP and CP. Dr. N.M. Perera and Pieter Keuneman - two Marxists supported and guided the activities of the GCSU from the mid-1930s. In the 1940s its membership was around 21,000 out of a 36,000-strong government clerical workers.
The first general strike in Sri Lanka occurred on the eve of Independence in 1947 based on an agitation for recognition of Trade Union rights. The Chief Secretary [CS] found it necessary to table a statement in the State Council on January 21, 1947. British rulers did not allow the public servants to enjoy political rights and refused to recognise Trade Unions. The CS, responsible to the Colonial Office in London stated that the question “involves issues of such magnitude and complexity” and that the decision on such fundamental questions should be taken by the government under the new constitution.
‘Public servants should not under any circumstances hold political rights and that the state will never officially recognize the trade unions’ – D S Senanayake, Leader of the House -Times of Ceylon-Jan 26, 1947.
This statement provoked the GCSU; they passed a resolution tempting the members of the State Council to demand the Cabinet to grant these rights or face consequences at the next general election. This appeal annoyed the Colonial Chief Secretary to such a degree that he straight away summoned a meeting of the trade union and threatened to ban it. This high-handed attitude of the CS made things worst. GCSU decided to launch a campaign with this end in view. GCSU organised an island-wide Trade Union Week. During the weekly meetings were held all over the country with a massive rally in Colombo to end the campaign.
First ever demonstration
They marched in procession from the Secretariat to Town Hall, and adopted the following ‘Declaration of Rights of Ceylon Public Servants’. “We earnestly declare, that we shall not rest until we secure for the government servants full Trade Union rights as are accepted by the Ceylon TU Ordinance and civil liberties enjoyed by the Civil servants of UK and other independent nations of the world.” - GCSU
Cables were dispatched to the Secretary of State UK and questions were raised in the House of Commons as well. GCSU invited LSSP and CP leaders to speak at their meetings on condition that, ‘no ideologies or party politics’, but only on the struggle. Agitation campaign gathered momentum with more unions joining, and by May 1947 it became an explosive unit. While Motor engineering, tea and rubber workers of 27 firms, Chalmers granary, Gas Company too walked out government panicked and tabled two bills planned to suppress mass action which gave police draconian powers. Governor, Sir Henry Moore became anxious at the momentum; he feared the imminent possibility of public servants joining the fray. He published a statement on May 22, intimidating them with dismissal and loss of pension rights if they join the strike.
A communiqué by CS stated that “at the mass rally organised by GCSU on May 28 several non-public servants spoke in defiance of state policy, and that it was obvious that the Union was intentionally conducting a campaign with the objective of pressurising the government by direct action. Therefore recognition of the union is withdrawn”. Leaders of the union were interdicted. Strike situation worsened and by May 31 – 18,000 from the public and private workers were out on strike. Following a meeting with Ministers, the Governor and CS issued an ultimatum to the strikers that any activity with the unauthorized union would be considered a breach of discipline, and would be regarded as having vacated posts. Next day the Postmasters and Railwaymen too joined. The state provided free meals, transport, and security to those who worked while Hotel staff walked out.
The newspapers attacked the Board of Ministers for their inactivity. The Governor made an extraordinary move releasing a statement ‘threatening’ the leaders of unions after which workers from Kolonnawa government factory, Railway Ratmalana workshop and Fibre stores, too joined the strike making it a general strike compelling authorities to mobilize Defence Forces to patrol the streets.
DS, the Leader of the House, at this time was patiently waiting for an intimation from Colonial Office on assurance on independence. The astute politician’s attitude was, ‘I will not move a finger to deal with the strike unless independence is promised’. He had his way, a promise of an early grant of ‘freedom’ came post haste and as the rest of the port workers came out of the harbour, Senanayake summoned a conference of State Councillors for June 6th at which DS assumed leadership of the situation.
DS takes charge
Cabinet met on June 4th and vested all powers on DS. The leadership of strike front showed cracks; the president and secretary of Public Services League resigned. Rejecting strikers call for talks, he made a plea to them to return to work promising to treat them fairly. Opinions were divided, student organisations supported strike while professionals assured to assist the government.
Unions made fresh demands, they called for the resignation of Ministers, sacking of CS and creating an interim government of non-party citizens pending the elections. DS acted determinedly; a contingent of Defence Force paraded streets. They compiled a list of skilled men to run the essential services. He negotiated with influential labour leader of the day, AE Goonesinghe to declare that his Ceylon Mercantile Union will not join the strike.
There was a lot of activity by the armed forces and police. DS cleared the way for a final act. The ‘move-on’ law was strictly enforced arresting and locking up all isolated strikers. Dematagoda railway staff that could have paralyzed the trains were shut inside and fed by the state. Union failed to get them out.
However, the public servants was now reaching the breaking point; leadership had to do something spectacular to raise the morale of strikers and decided to stage a procession along Baseline road to the workshop to induce them to join, which effort failed.
Next, they planned a demonstration from Slave Island to Kolonnawa factory on June 5, where a ten thousand-strong workforce marched. They purposely defied the allowed route, to go past the Dematagoda workshop with tough guys of port labour leading the procession. Dr N M Perera, with a few leftists, was seen for the first time participating in the struggle.
DS left all responsibilities with the IGP who decided on a course of action. Police allowed the harbour gangs to go past the point of charge and then attacked the demonstrators. N M Perera who returned to the spot was attacked too and was rushed to the hospital. A severe baton charge failed to disperse the violent crowd; it was decided to open fire injuring a few and killing Kandasamy a white-collar worker and a native of Jaffna, and that ended the struggle.
Add new comment