A part analysis of John Kerry Report on Sri Lanka
sarojini Dutt
Continued from January 25 (Monday)
The problem however is that Rajapaksa is popular across the length
and breadth of the country and his Government’s annihilation of the
terrorists has made his popularity soar. As the report identifies, there
is no political leader in the country to match his popularity.
Wickremesinghe, in the report, has been identified as a very close ally
of the US who has consistently urged the US to take Sri Lanka to the war
crimes tribunal.
As the report admits, Wickremesinghe lacks the charisma to battle
Rajapaksa nation-wide. Fonseka is identified as the only individual who
perhaps could challenge Rajapaksa’s popularity nationally, having been
the Commander of the troops that defeated the terrorists.
Engagement of Fonseka by the US
Blake engaged Fonseka at the height of the war. He persuaded Fonseka
to apply for Permanent Residency in the US which would lighten Fonseka’s
financial burden of educating his children. Fortune smiled on Fonseka
when out of a 6.4 million applicants, Fonseka was one of the chosen few
of a mere 50,000 to be accorded permanent residency in the US.
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Pervez Musharraf |
It is not clear what prompted Fonseka, just prior to setting off to
the US in September 2008, tell Bryson Hull of Reuters “The Tigers will
go underground rather than fight to the last man.” This was contrary to
the thinking of the troops on ground, battling the terrorists and the
Rajapaksas who were determined and confident of defeating the terrorists
totally.
Was Fonseka coerced to say this or was Fonseka out of step with what
was happening on the battlefield? In November 2008, when the Army was
bogged down in a do or die battle for Killinochchi and Muhamalai, and
the future of the war in Fonseka’s mind, was not clear, the Commander of
the battling troops left his Motherland and his troops, dying in their
hundreds at the time, to tour Washington on his being accorded permanent
residency of another country.
This created adverse morale repercussions within the Army;
fortunately for Sri Lanka, Fonseka was far removed from the battlefield.
Was the timing of the visit sheer ignorance or was he already being
influenced by Washington? Fonseka is perhaps the only permanent resident
of the US, with perhaps the exception of Pakistan’s Musharaff, to be
accorded such a reception in Washington.
Fonseka returned to the country after over month. Immediately on his
return, in December 2008, he made that now infamous speech, quite
inappropriate, unexpected and uncalled for, about corrupt politicians,
political jokers and LTTE links in Tamil Nadu, which embarrassed the
Rajapaksa Government no end and nearly provoked Delhi, who had resisted
US pressure to intervene in the Sri Lanka offensive, to reconsider their
decision.
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Robert Blake |
Was Fonseka naive or did he make that calculated statement at the
behest of his adopted country? Is he a captive of his own doing or is he
a loose cannon? This statement provoked a sharp retort from Neduraman
who warned the Government of Sri Lanka that the actions of Fonseka
suggest that the nation may witness Army rule in the near future which
would be disastrous for Sri Lanka-India relations.
Creation of the rift
Rumour Street had it, from about early 2009, that Blake had urged
Fonseka, notorious for an inflated ego, to increase the strength of the
Army. Fonseka complied by pressing the Government, in the aftermath of
the war, to increase the strength of the Army to 300,000 (It is presumed
that this is his opinion even at present).
Rumour Street also had it that the same sources leaked it to the
Government that they had intelligence that Fonseka was planning a
military coup.
The rift was created and the first step for a regime change had
begun. In the meantime whispers to both sides, from the different mouths
of the same source, continued and the rift widened.
Reportedly, it was conveyed to the Government that Fonseka, still in
uniform, was harbouring Presidential ambitions and to Fonseka that he
could easily be the top honcho, barring his safety; it was suggested to
him that if he made an implicative confession, to his country of
adoption, regarding the conduct of the war, that would serve as his life
insurance; this, he was apparently assured, would be released only if
some harm were to befall him.
A highly controversial trip to the US was arranged in November 2009
with Blake choreographing the moves.
The much publicized statement of Fonseka to a newspaper recently, is
reportedly a transcript of a recording that was made in the US which
found its way into the island in the pouch of a roving envoy, this,
reportedly again, was played to a journalist who had the privilege of
listening to it but not permitted to take a copy.
Through a grapevine it was leaked that the journalist does not have a
copy of the recording.
One conceivable danger is that if a stone is thrown by the adopted
country at Fonseka at any time, it would be construed that Rajapaksa was
responsible for the stone giving justification for the incriminating
statement to be publicized and Rajapaksa running against a wave of
public emotion; a classic case of three birds with one stone.
US moves in the Sri Lankan election
US manoeuvres in the Sri Lankan election is to effect a change in Sri
Lanka’s geopolitical position. This calls for a regime change and the
ouster of Rajapaksa.
To this end they have instructed the non charismatic politicians to
keep out of the fray; they have successfully divided a country which
eight months ago was united; they have been able to weaken the Rajapaksa
team by corrupting one of the team with a permanent residency; they have
been successful in fielding against Rajapaksa, Fonseka, a candidate who
has a trifle more appeal than the old political war horses of the
Opposition.
The battle is how to present a coarse, humourless General as an
erudite individual of some refinement and polish and to dent Rajapaksa’s
unbelievable popularity in the country.
To this end, as carried by the Asian Tribune, a massive USD 140
Million has been pumped into the country through conduits that include
NGOs which the Kerry report has identified as being friendly to US
interests.
US expectations from Fonseka
Mavil Aru in Sampur was the beginning of the end for the terrorists.
There has been much bafflement at reports that the previous status quo
in Sampur, located on the Southern rim of the Trincomalee harbour and
considered ground vital for the control of the harbour, is being
restored.
There are indications that the essence of the Wickremesinghe CFA
agreement of 2002, which concede control of the North and the East and
nearly two thirds of the coastline of the island to the terrorists, is
being reintroduced; the CFA enabled the terrorists to build up their
illegal state infrastructure which resulted in thousands of soldiers
having to lay down their lives simply to dismantle it.
Also there are indications that Kumaratunge’s infamous and ill fated
Post Tsunami Operations Management (PTOM) of 2005 which gave equal
status to the terrorists and the government of Sri Lanka in the
management of Tsunami related funds, and created that insidious
mechanism-referred to as ‘Co-Chairs’ (EU, Norway, US, and Japan) which
eroded our sovereignty and legalized these countries to interfere at
will with the internal affairs of Sri Lanka, is being surreptitiously
brought back.
On the last occasion the JVP with Rajapaksa fought against it and had
it thrown out at the Supreme Court.
This time however the JVP, heavily dependent on Japan for their
funds, appear to be consenting partners.
Rumour Street has it that the US has instructed Fonseka to deny the
Indians the Uranium rich soil stretching along the coastline of
Mullaitivu and to give access to the US to mine this monazite for a
pittance.
The news on the grapevine is also that Fonseka on the dictates of the
US has agreed to allow the Norwegians access to the recently staked
area, abounding with mineral resources, on the sloping continental shelf
off the coast of Sri Lanka.
Considering the strong link between Blake and the Diaspora, it is not
surprising that the political arm of the terrorists is supporting
Fonseka who time and time again has insisted that Sri Lanka belongs to
the Sinhalese and who insisted that the Tamil persons in the IDP Welfare
Centres should be detained indefinitely as there were 20,000 terrorists
hiding among 280,000 civilians.
Executive Presidency
The Kerry report has identified the Executive Presidency as one of
Sri Lanka’s strengths which enabled it to overcome the terrorists and
which Rajapaksa refuses to dismantle. At the moment the three eggs of
Executive, Legislature and Judiciary are in three baskets. The dropping
of one basket will not crack the other two eggs. To weaken the Sri Lanka
State that it may never in the future do the unthinkable of defeating an
invincible terrorist group, the US through the NGOs are attempting to
put the two eggs of Executive and Legislature in one basket so that when
the legislative egg breaks, the executive egg will automatically break.
The battle lines are drawn for January 26 the battle is not between
Rajapaksa and Fonseka but between Sri Lanka and the US. On May 18, 2009
Sri Lanka won an historic proxy war on the banks of the Nanthikadal
lagoon defeating the scourge of terrorism and the threat of neo
colonialism. On the 26th, the battle is even more crucial; Sri Lankans
have to defeat the neo colonialist if they are to protect their victory
at Nanthikadal.
The sovereignty of Sri Lanka is being challenged and is at stake; the
battle is even more difficult than on May 18, with the US throwing in
140 Million US dollars, buying up one of the key players of May 18 and
having the historical comprador class doing, as usual, their dirty work.
Sri Lankans rise in your numbers and defend your country. This is the
time the country needs you. Stand up and be counted.
Concluded |