Choices before the Tigers

THE majority of Lankans are likely to warmly welcome the Government's position of leaving wide open the door to a negotiated settlement of the conflict.

This, in fact, has always been the case and the peace-loving sections of Lankans could be glad that the State has reiterated this position very unambiguously.

To begin with, there is bound to be wide approval for the position that no less a person than Tiger leader Prabhakaran should agree to three conditions for the resumption of Government-LTTE negotiations.

Recent media reports quoted Defence Spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella as defining these preconditions as: the provision of a specific time-frame by the LTTE for the resumption and conclusion of the negotiations, the giving of an assurance by the LTTE to the world community that it would not smuggle arms into Sri Lanka through any sea routes during talks and an LTTE commitment not to resort to violence during negotiations.

Such conditions are added proof that the State is not for conditionless talks. However, the State is not diverting from the principle of negotiating an end to the conflict.

In fact, time and again, the Government has made it clear that it is being compelled to resort to military operations of a limited, defensive nature on account of continuing Tiger offensives.

Nevertheless, the duplicitious conduct of the LTTE in the past during periods of negotiations, leaves the State with no choice but to impose conditions for the resumption of the negotiating process.

Given the highly unreliable nature of those who have been playing spokesman for the Tigers, the State is left with no choice but to demand that Prabhakaran gives a personal guarantee that the preconditions would be adhered to by the LTTE.

Getting the Tiger leader to agree to this task is a job for the international community - the Co Chairs included. We hope the upcoming visit to Sri Lanka by the Norwegian special envoy to the peace process, would help facilitate this task.

We also hope the world community would recognise the earnestness of the Government in these peace initiatives launched by it.

The Government's deep earnestness in making these peace moves is reflected in the condition that no one other than Prabhakaran should guarantee a meeting of the conditions by the LTTE.

If the LTTE, on the other hand, is serious when it says that it is fighting for the redressing of Tamil grievances, it would seize this opportunity to resume the negotiatory process.

It should be plain to the Tigers, that its recalcitrance is only leading to continued violence and killings. It is a no-win situation for the LTTE. Instability and violence are characterizing the North-East.

The life of the North-East populace is being increasingly marked by violence and uncertainly. Therefore, it would be best to grasp this opportunity to end the conflict.

The Southern parties to the conflict, on the other hand, need to speedily work towards the achieving of a Southern consensus on the conflict. There is no doubt that such a development would prevent the LTTE from engaging in its usual evasive tactics.

A Southern consensus would foreclose the possibility of the LTTE exploiting the lack of an agreement among the Southern parties to refrain from making a move on the choices cast on it.

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